The Speech by outgoing chairman of EAC Jakaya Kikwete....

 The East African Community Members viewing the blueprint of the EAC headquarter in Arusha Tanzania..

Honourable Speaker;
Invited Speakers here present;
Honourable Members of the East African Legislative Assembly,
Distinguished Guests;
Ladies and Gentlemen;
I thank you, Hon. Speaker for giving me this rare opportunity to   address this august Assembly at its 3^rd sitting since its inauguration this year. I also thank you for the kind words you have spoken about me and my dear country, the United Republic of Tanzania.
Honourable Speaker;
Since I am speaking to Members of East African Legislative Assembly for the first time since you were elected, let me take this opportunity to extend to you all my warm congratulations on your well deserved election. Your election is a testimony of the immense confidence and trust reposed in you.
More so I wish to congratulate you Madam Speaker, on your momentous election to the position of Speaker of the East African Legislative Assembly. Allow me to acknowledge and commend you in a very special way for being the first female Speaker in the history of EALA. It speaks volumes about the trust that Members of this august Assembly have on your leadership skills.
Madam Speaker;
Your election is another expression of the growing confidence and trust the people of East Africa have in women. It speaks volumes about the existence of women who are able and effective leaders to steer the affairs of institutions of governance and management of politics – a field previously deemed a preserve for men.  You are joining an impressive list of powerful women Speakers of Parliament in our region.  There is Honourable Rebecca Kadaga, Speaker of the Uganda Parliament and Honourable Anna Makinda, Speaker of the Tanzanian Parliament.
Achievements
Honourable Speaker;
This Session is taking place at a time when our region is on an irreversible movement towards deeper integration and increased socio-economic prosperity. I dare say so for three reasons. First, our integration is getting deeper and deeper with each passing day and, its benefits are being realized by all partner states and our people. Second, we are witnessing good governance being institutionalized and consolidated in all partner states. And, third, the unity of purpose and political will to forge ahead is ever greater than at any other moment in the history of the Community.
Honourable Speaker;
The successes we are witnessing today are a result of nineteen years of hard work, dedication and commitment of successive leaders and the people of East Africa. As you all know, the current East African integration endeavours have come a long way. It began with the Treaty to revive the East African Cooperation that was signed by the three Heads of State of Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda on November 30, 1993. This provided the nucleus upon which the current East African Community grew. Several protocols were signed thereafter to bring the cooperation agenda to fruition. These protocols led to the re-establishment of the East African Community (EAC) through a Treaty which was signed by the EAC Heads of State on 30^th November, 1999.
The Treaty which came into force on 7^th July, 2000 calls for a progressive and incremental approach toward deeper integration. It identifies the Customs Union as the entry point followed by the Common Market, the Monetary Union and finally the Political Federation.  The incremental approach which is embodied in the Treaty is intended to harmonize and balance the integration process as each stage builds the solid foundation for and feeds into the subsequent stage. Each stage also consolidates the gains made from the previous one.
Honourable Speaker;
The EAC Customs Union which started on 1^st January, 2005 became fully fledged on January 1^st, 2010 succeeded to live up to its expectations. As we speak today, we already have two years of implementing the Common Market Protocol, which we signed in May 2010 and came into force in July 2010. I am informed that the implementation of the Common Market Protocol is progressing well, despite the existence of some albeit surmountable challenges.
With a combined population of over 133 million people, and a combined GDP of over US$ 79 billion, the East African Community region is a sizeable market. With a Customs Union fully operational and a two years old Common Market, the East African Community is a vibrant and prospective market.  This market has great potential for steady and sustainable economic growth capable of propelling our region into middle income status in the next decade.
Trade and investment statistics speak volumes to underscore my assertions. Between 2005 – 2010 for example, intra East African trade doubled from US$ 2.2 billion to US$ 4.1 billion. Similarly, foreign direct investment to EAC countries increased from US$ 910 million in 2005 to US$ 1.72 billion in 2009. These statistics demonstrate, in practical terms,   the benefits the East African integration agenda bring to the people of East Africa.  It further proves that we are on the right track towards a prosperous future.
Honourable Speaker;
Member of the EALA;
As it is customary, there have encountered challenges in the process of   implementing the Customs Union which have been delaying the full realisation of its benefits. For example, there are non-tariff barriers which the East African business community continues to contend with. These include bureaucratic processes, administrative restrictions and misuse of the rules of origin principle among others. I must admit these are problems which should not be there, therefore, they should not be allowed to continue.  We must act decisively to end them.  These problems should not be allowed to continue to undermine the Customs Union.  We have talked about them for far too long, it is time we must walk the talk.
Honourable Speaker;
It is encouraging to note that we are moving in the right direction in this regard.  The building of One Stop Border Posts (OSBP) at our border posts will go a long way towards facilitating easy clearance of goods across our borders. In all partner states, there are mechanisms to monitor the elimination of the non tariff barriers. All that is required of us, is to ensure that the mechanisms are functioning properly so that non-tariff barriers are eliminated in a timely manner. I believe time has come to give ourselves specific time frames to clear this hurdle.
Inadequate infrastructure, particularly roads, railways and energy have been non-tariff barriers of their own kind, but more significantly, they have been responsible for the high cost of doing business in our region. This is impacting negatively on the competitiveness of the EAC region in relation to other   regional and global markets. We must double our efforts to implement previous decisions on solving the infrastructure challenge in East Africa.
Honourable Speaker;
With regards to the Common Market, the Protocol opens opportunities in the movement of goods and services, labour, capital in the region and right of settlement, establishing business and economic activities within the EAC partner states. However, for these opportunities to be realised partner states need to review their domestic laws to conform with the commitment and undertaking made in the Protocol. Unfortunately, the process of review and amendment of national laws is behind schedule in all the partner states.  I am hopeful that we will soon be able to finalise the process and allow our region to expand and deepen integration.
Honourable Speaker;
We are also moving steadily towards the Monetary Union as far as negotiations are concerned. This is the defining and ultimate phase in the East African economic integration agenda because what comes after it is political integration – The Political Federation. It’s realization heralds the conclusion of the economic integration facet of the East African Community. This phase will provide the needed impetus for consolidating the successes we continue to register in the Customs Union and Common Market operations. It will also shield the Community from the volatilities associated with operating different fiscal and monetary policies in the partner states. This will inevitably build on and deepen our cooperation in fiscal and monetary policies, already championed by our Fiscal Affairs and Monetary Affairs Committees.
Honourable Speaker;
The Monetary Union is a very delicate phase in our integration agenda.  We should avoid making mistakes for that will cost us dearly. It could make, this phase become the weak link that could undermine all the many years of good work done and achieved in the process of  building the East African Community.  I hope our officials appreciate this fact and are giving themselves ample time as they craft and negotiate the various aspects and facets of the Monetary Union Protocol. I hope, also, that we will learn from the experience of the former East African Community on this matter.  Besides that, we will take time and learn from the experience of other REC’s around the world, particularly the European Union.
Honourable Speaker;
It is common knowledge that economic successes cannot be sustained for long without commensurate efforts on the good governance front.  It is for this reason that the EAC partner states and the region at large is heavily investing in good governance. We are reaping good results. Democratic fundamentals are being entrenched in all partner states, the fight against corruption is unrelenting and gaining momentum. There is observance   of the rule of law and respect for human rights are taking root.  Peace, security and stability which are critical factors for socio economic development are being realized in all partner states. The EAC region is steadily building a good track record on both good governance and integration. I have no doubt in my mind that conditions are now ripe for accelerating the East African socio-economic development to the next level.
Honourable Speaker;
It is worth noting that the process has always not been easy.  There were difficult moments, there were challenges and challenges still exist. Some of the challenges are local but some are external like the global economic and financial crisis and the high food and fuel prices.  Fortunately, despite the challenges, the leaders of East Africa supported by their people have remained steadfast, focussed and committed to advance the cooperation and integration agenda. This spirit is paying the desired dividends. We need to stay the course and redouble our efforts so that we can consolidate the gains and take the Community to the highest possible levels of integration that we all desire.
Honourable Speaker;
I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge and congratulate Members of the East African legislative Assembly for the invaluable contribution you have made and continue to make to advance the integration agenda. EALA has discharged its mandate and authority very well.  You have performed well your legislative role and oversight function over the Community programmes and activities. Through EALA’s efforts several EAC policies and decisions have been given legal effect. I urge the Third (3^rd) Assembly to   sustain and accelerate this spirit and momentum. My belief is that you have neither the option nor the time to waver, more so when the call by the people of East Africa for us to deliver on the priorities as articulated in our five years Development Strategy 2011/12 – 2015/16 is loud and clear.
The Priorities
Honourable Speaker;
Member of the Assembly;
I am a believer of Mwalimu Nyerere’s dictum that “to plan is to choose”. Each year the Community identifies priority areas for implementation in the next financial year. In my view, there is need to refocus our approach by identifying few priorities that will have tangible outcomes and multiplier effects to East Africans. It is imperative that our choices are informed by three principles: comparative advantage; synergy building; and, effectiveness.
In this regard, we should focus on cross-border infrastructure development which is capable of truly facilitating trade and other interactions among our people – railways, energy, ports and harbours, roads and ICT. Secondly, we should make sure that we implement the EAC Food Security and Climate Change Master Plan. We must  give due  focus to sustainable agricultural production to ensure food security and environmental protection. This way, we shall be able to increase average GDP growth from 5 percent to 8 percent and beyond, on our path to making poverty history.
My call and challenge to this esteemed Assembly is for you to legislate in a manner that facilitates delivery on our priorities and interventions as identified in our Development Strategy. This brings me to your role in this endeavour. I know you know your roles better than I do. But let me share some thoughts.
The Role of EALA
Honourable Speaker;
The Treaty gives this Assembly legislative and oversight functions. It also, inter alia, enjoins the Assembly to “liaise with the National Assemblies of the Partner states on matters relating to the Community.” By all standards this is a significant task.  As our integration is deepened and widened in its scope, the issues which EALA is called to address are also becoming complex.  Indeed, the EALA needs to be more proactive in fulfilling its legislative functions.
Ii is a matter of essence that the EALA has to align itself with other major actors within the Community.  Such actors include first and foremost the people it serves.  There are other national actors such as legislative authorities, national governments, private sector, civil society and development partners.  This alignment was envisaged by the Treaty when it prescribed the legislative mandate of this House in Chapter 9, article 59.  The alignment is also more important as it creates clear checks and balances between the Assembly, the Council, the partner states and other legislative authorities within partner states.
I am emphasising this because we have distinctions to make. There are local issues which need to be addressed at the national levels. Conversely, there are national challenges whose remedies require cascading the approaches to give more prominence to local solutions, building on the interface   between the national parliamentarians and their local constituents. Then there are local interests which require regional approaches to address, and in some cases a combined effort of both the national and the regional legislatures.


Honourable Speaker;
We also need to determine how the EALA, through legislation, could harness, mobilise and leverage the participation of the people of East Africa in the regional integration process. Undeniably, the principal responsibility for sensitising the East African public about integration must largely fall on the shoulders of the political leadership at national levels. However, EAC legislators and leaders of other Organs of the EAC are critical stakeholders and have a fundamental role to play.  The regional dimension of mobilisation through synergy building and targeted awareness creation falls squarely on the EAC Organs.
It is important that the private sector, civil society, and other stakeholders are meaningfully consulted during the Assembly’s legislative process. But they also need to be mobilized to support it. Through their involvement we should be able to design policies that open avenues for the private sector and civil society including women and youths, to engage in constructive and transformative integration. Harnessing the potential of these actors in taking East African integration to greater heights is a matter of extreme urgency. It is imperative that all these actors are enabled to contribute effectively to our economic and social transformation.
Honourable Speaker;
This calls for increased mobilisation and sensitisation activities so as to increase the level of awareness on the EAC integration.  In doing this, there is need to promote a culture of East-Africanness, driven by our Community’s fundamental principles, as provided for under Chapter 6 of the Treaty.
This sensitisation and information sharing should also be promoted amongst regional legislators themselves and between regional and national legislators and the executive. I am one of those people who passionately believe that organisations are like human beings and that there is need to subject them to continuous renewal so that they remain agile and healthy.  In this regard, I wish to urge you, Honourable Speaker, and the entire House to promote information exchange and sensitization.
I would wish to see stronger synergies built in your relations with the Council of Ministers, partner states governments and national legislatures. This way the efforts become non-contradictory, mutually reinforcing and sustainable. It will also help avert the sad situation where Bills passed by this House could get difficulties being assented to by Heads of State or being domesticated by partner states.
Honourable Speaker;
Honourable Member of the Assembly;
Distinguished Guests;
Ladies and Gentlemen;
To conclude, I wish to reiterate that our integration must be transformative. We must hold on to our vision of a prosperous, competitive, secure, stable and politically united East Africa. However, we must also fold our sleeves and do the hard work required to transform this vision into reality. The United Republic of Tanzania is both committed and determined to work hard to ensure that the vision is realised in a timely manner.
On behalf of my colleagues, Heads of State of the partner states, I would like to underscore the confidence we have in you and in your capacity to positively  advance the East African integration agenda, now and in the future. On our part, we stand ready, as we have always been, to support your efforts as we deepen and widen our integration for the prosperous future of our people.
I wish you great success in your endeavours.
I thank you for your kind attention.

Rufaa ya Kesi ya Godbless Lema yamtisha jaji mkuu Othman Chande...

JAJI Mkuu wa Tanzania, Mohamed Othman Chande amejitoa kusikiliza rufaa ya kesi ya aliyekuwa Mbunge wa Arusha Mjini, Godbless Lema, badala yake nafasi yake imechukuliwa na Jaji Bernard Luanda.

Kujitoa kwa jaji mkuu kumekuja ikiwa zimebaki siku tano kusikilizwa upya kwa rufaa hiyo Desemba 4, mwaka huu, baada ya awali Mahakama ya Rufani, kuona rufaa hiyo ilikuwa na dosari.

Mahakama hiyo ilikubali hoja ya wajiburufaa kuwa rufaa hiyo ilikuwa na dosari kutokana na tofauti ya vifungu vya sheria vilivyotumika katika hukumu iliyomvua ubunge Lema na vilivyotumika katika hati ya kukaza hukumu, iliyowasilishwa mahakamani sambamba na rufaa hiyo.

Hata hivyo, kilichomwokoa Lema ni kifungu cha 111 cha Kanuni za Mahakama, ambapo mahakama hiyo ilisema kuwa chini ya kanuni hiyo, dosari hizo zinaweza kurekebishwa.

Jaji Chande ndiye aliyekuwa kiongozi wa jopo la majaji watatu katika kesi hiyo akiwamo Salum Massati na Natalia Kimaro.

Jaji Mkuu aliingia kwenye kesi hiyo akichukua nafasi ya Jaji Mbarouk Salim Mbarouk aliyekuwa amepangwa awali, ambaye sababu za kuondolewa hazikuwekwa wazi.

Wakili wa  Lema, Method Kimomogoro alithibitisha kuwa amepata taarifa kuwa jaji mkuu hatasikiliza rufaa hiyo na badala yake Jaji Luanda ndiye atachukua nafasi yake.

“Ni kweli jaji mkuu hatakuwapo kusikiliza rufaa ya Lema nimewasiliana na Msajili Dar es Salaam ameniambia hatokuwepo kwenye hilo jopo,” alisema Kimomogoro na kuongeza:

Hata hivyo, Wakili Kimomogoro alisema “Huu ni utaratibu wa kawaida wa mahakama kwa kuwa huenda jaji mkuu akawa amesafiri au ana shughuli nyingine.”

Wakili wa wajiburufaa, Alute Mughwai alisema hajapata taarifa kama Jaji Mkuu ameondolewa kwenye jopo hilo kwa kuwa huo si utaratibu wa mahakama kutoa taarifa hizo.

“Mahakama huwa haitoi taarifa, zinawekwa (taarifa) kwenye ubao wa mahakama siku ambayo rufaa inasikilizwa,” alisema.

Aliendelea, “Jaji yeyote atakayepangwa sisi hatuna tatizo kwa kuwa wote ni majaji, wewe uko huko Dar na mimi niko huku bara (Arusha), hivyo unaweza ukazipata taarifa zaidi huko kwa kuwa ndiyo uko jikoni Dar.”

Soma zaidi:  http://www.mwananchi.co.tz

Akaunti ya TFF yazuiwa...

Shirikisho la Mpira wa Miguu Tanzania (TFF) lina imani kuwa mazungumzo kati yake, Wizara ya Habari, Vijana, Utamaduni na Michezo na Mamlaka ya Mapato Tanzania (TRA) yatamaliza tatizo la kushikiliwa akaunti ya TFF kutokana na malipo ya kodi ya mishahara ya makocha wa kigeni. Rais wa TFF, Leodegar Tenga alizungumza na waandishi wa habari jana juu ya uamuzi wa TRA kushikilia akaunti ya TFF ikiielekeza Benki ya NMB kukata sh. 157,407,968 ikiwa ni malipo ya Kodi ya Mapato ya Mshahara wa Mfanyakazi (P.A.Y.E) ya makocha Marcio Maximo na wasaidizi wake. Katika mzozo huo wa muda mrefu, TFF imejitetea kuwa haiwezi kulipa kodi hiyo kwa kuwa Wizara ya Habari, Vijana, Utamaduni na Michezo ndiyo mlipaji wa mishahara ya makocha hao, ikiwa ni ahadi ya Rais wa Tanzania, Jakaya Kikwete ya kulipia makocha wa michezo tofauti, ukiwemo mpira wa miguu. “Hili ni suala nyeti ambalo linahitaji kumalizwa kwa mazungumzo baina ya pande zote. Ninataka kuwahakikishia kuwa suala hili linazungumzwa na tayari nimeshafanya mazungumzo na maofisa wa Wizara na tumekubaliana kukutana na pande zote wakati wowote; iwe leo jioni au kesho. “Ni matumaini yangu kuwa suala hili litakwisha na jana nimetoka Kampala (Uganda kwenye Kombe la Chalenji) moja kwa moja na kwenda kuzungumza na viongozi wa Wizara na wamekubali kwamba tuongee pande zote kulimaliza suala hili. “Nimezungumza na wenzetu wa Serikali kwa sababu najua unyeti wa suala hili. Fedha zilizokamatwa si zetu; ni fedha za klabu na zimetolewa na mdhamini ambaye tumekubaliana namna ya kuzitumia. Fedha hizi hazikutolewa kwa ajili ya kulipia kodi. Lakini TRA wanazishikilia kwa sababu Premier League iko chini ya TFF,” amesema Rais Tenga. Tenga amesema TRA wanafanya kazi kwa kufuata sheria zao za ukataji kodi na hivyo wana haki ya kufuatilia kwa kuwa kwa mujibu wa sheria, mwajiri ndiye anayetakiwa kukata kodi kutoka kwenye mshahara wa mfanyakazi. “Hivyo hatuwezi kuilaumu TRA kwa sababu ndivyo sheria inavyosema, lakini pia hatuna uwezo huo wa kulipa fedha hizo kwa sababu, kwanza hatuna na pili sio sisi tunaolipa mishahara ya hawa makocha,” amesisitiza Rais Tenga. Akizungumzia historia ya suala hilo, Tenga aliishukuru Serikali kwa msaada ambao imekuwa ikiutoa katika mpira na kwamba ahadi ya Rais Kikwete ya kusaidia kulipa makocha wa timu za taifa imeusogeza mpira wa miguu karibu na Serikali na karibu na Rais. “Rais Kikwete alisema wakati alipoingia madarakani (mwaka 2005) anajua kuwa kuna tatizo kwenye mpira na akatoa ahadi ya kulipa walimu wa mpira. Ahadi hiyo imefanya ukaribu uliopo sasa kati ya mpira na Serikali; kati ya mpira na Rais sasa kuwa mkubwa. Serikali imechangia kwa kiasi kikubwa kwenye mpira, yaani kulipa walimu. “Sasa sisi ni administrators wa hawa walimu. Tunachofanya ni kuandaa mikataba ambayo ni standard duniani kote kwa mujibu wa taratibu za FIFA (Shirikisho la Kimataifa la Mpira wa Miguu). Kwa kawaida makocha wa kigeni huwa wanatayarishiwa mikataba ambayo ni tax free (isiyo na kodi). Baada ya kuingia nao mikataba, huwa tunaipeleka wizarani ambao ndio wanawalipa makocha moja kwa moja kwenye akaunti zao,” amesema Rais Tenga. Katika mkutano huo na waandishi, Rais Tenga pia aliipongeza timu ya taifa ya Tanzania Bara, Kilimanjaro Stars kwa kuanza vizuri mashindano ya Kombe la Chalenji, akisema ushindi huo ni ishara nzuri hasa kutokana na ukweli kuwa kikosi hicho kinaundwa na wachezaji wengi chipukizi na akataka Watanzania waendelee kuiunga mkono. Tenga pia alisema kumekuwepo na malalamiko kuhusu makato ya mechi na kwamba suala hilo ni la muda mrefu na kwamba TFF imepiga hatua kubwa tangu ilipoanza kulishughulikia.

Boniface Wambura

Ofisa Habari

Shirikisho la Mpira wa Miguu Tanzania (TFF)

Mark Bomani mwanasheria mkuu wa zamani Tanzania azungumzia katiba mpya...

MWENYEKITI

TUME YA MABADILIKO YA KATIBA

Kufuatana na mahojiano niliyokuwa nayo na Tume yako tarehe 4 Agosti 2012 natoa hapa kwa maandishi muhtasari wa hayo niliyoyasema.

1.           HISTORIA FUPI YA MUUNGANO WA TANGANYIKA NA ZANZIBAR.

Tanganyika na Zanzibar ni nchi ambazo ni majirani, zikitenganishwa na bahari ya India kwa umbali takribani kilometa arobaini (40) tu, ukichukulia sehemu zilizo karibu.

Pamoja na kwamba nchi hizi mbili zimetenganishwa na bahari, vinginevyo zinafanana sana kihistoria na asili ya watu wake. Tofauti kidogo na Tanganyika, Zanzibar ina uwiano mkubwa kati ya rangi (race) ya watu wake; ikiwemo idadi (proportion) kubwa ya watu wa asili ya Asia na Uarabuni, kitu ambacho kiliwezesha Zanzibar huko nyuma kutawaliwa na masultani wa Kiarabu. Tanganyika hali ilikuwa tofauti.

Tofauti kubwa zilizopo na zilizokuwapo hata kabla ya nchi hizo kujitawala ni kwamba Tanganyika haikuwahi kutawaliwa na masultani wa kiarabu. Iliwahi, kwa wakati Fulani, kutawaliwa na Wajerumani na Waingereza kabla ya kujipatia uhuru wake.

Kiukubwa wa eneo nchi hizi ni tofauti sana, Tanganyika ikiwa na ukubwa wa zaidi ya mara mia moja na iliyo na wakazi takribani mara arobaini.

Idadi kubwa ya Wazanzibari ni ya watu wenye asili ya Tanganyika.

Tanganyika ilipata uhuru wake toka kwa Mwingereza kwa njia ya amani, bila ya damu kumwagika (Desemba 1961).

Kinyume chake Zanzibar ilijipatia uhuru wake kwa mapinduzi ambayo yalifanyika kwa damu kumwagika na mtawala (Sultani) kuikimbia nchi (Januari 1964). Mapinduzi yalichochewa na hali ya udanganyifu uliokuwa unafanywa wakati wa uchaguzi na ambao ulikuwa una wanyima haki walio wengi.

Kutokana na hali hii ya mapinduzi yaliyosababisha umwagaji damu hali haikuwa shwari baada ya mapinduzi.

Zilikuwapo hofu za Zanzibar kuvamiwa na wageni kama kulipiza kisasi. Zilikuwapo pia hofu za kugeuza Zanzibar kuwa uwanja wa mapambano ya vita baridi vya Ulaya (cold war).

Hofu hizi zilikuwa pande zote, yaani Tanganyika na Zanzibar.

Viongozi waasisi, Mwalimu Nyerere na Shekh Abeid Karume, waliliona hili na ndiyo maana wakakubaliana kukabili hali hii kwa nchi mbili kuungana.

Ikumbukwe pia kwamba aliyeongoza mapinduzi, John Okello, alikuwa ni mgeni ambaye alikuwa hawezi kutabirika. Na asingeweza kuiongoza Zanzibar kwa muda mrefu.

Ingawaje viongozi hawa wawili walikuwa wanajuana fika kwa kipindi kirefu kabla ya mapinduzi haya, hata wao mapinduzi yaliwastukiza.

Baada ya majadiliano mafupi ya siri sana viongozi hawa walikubaliana nchi hizi mbili ziungane na wakatia saini mkataba maalum (Articles of Union) mwezi April 1964.

Mkataba huu uliridhiwa na Bunge la Tanganyika na Baraza la Mapinduzi la Zanzibar.

Kwa kuwa jambo lenyewe lilikuwa la siri na ni kama la dharura haikuwepo nafasi ya kuwashirikisha wananchi wa pande zote kwa ujumla wao.

Kitu ambacho kilikuwa kifanyike ili kukamilisha utaratibu wote wa kuungana ilikuwa iundwe Tume Maalum (Commission) ndani ya miezi kumi na miwili. Kwa sababu mbali mbali hili halikufanyika kwa wakati.

Kwa hiyo kwa upande mmoja Tume yako ndiyo itakuwa inahitimisha yale yaliyotakiwa yafanyike katika miezi 12 baada ya kuungana.

Zoezi la mwaka 1977 la kamati ya mchanganyiko wa wajumbe kutoka Zanzibar na Tanganyika lilikuwa zaidi ni kuunganisha vyama vya TANU na Afro Shirazi Party (ASP), na kushauri vipengele vipi vibadilishwe kwenye Katiba. Mapndekezo ya Kamati hiyo yaliridhiwa na Bunge la Muungano na Baraza la Mapinduzi.

Kusema kweli Wananchi kwa ujumla wao hawajashirikishwa.

Hii ina ashiria nini? Kwa maoni yangu hili ina ashiria kwamba wananchi watumie nafasi hii kujadili kila kitu kwa uhuru kabisa, bila ya kuwekewa mipaka.

Kutokana na hali ya wananchi kutokushirikishwa kikamilifu yamekuwapo manung’uniko ya mara kwa mara juu ya masuala mbali mbali, kama vile muungano uwepo au la; ukiwepo uwe wa aina gain? Wa Serikali moja; wa Serikali mbili au wa Serikali tatu? Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) wakati fulani kiliomba maoni toka kwa wanachama wake ambao walipendelea muungano wa Serikali mbili. Chama cha CUF (Civic United Front) chenyewe kinapandelea muungano wa Serikali tatu.

Baadhi ya vikundi kama “Uamsho” vinadai iwepo kura ya maoni juu ya kuwepo au kutokuwepo kwa muungano.

Viko pia vikundi na viongozi mbali mbali, hasa upande wa Zanzibar, wanaotaka muungano uvunjwe.

Hii yote inatokana na wananchi kwa ujumla wao kutokushirikishwa huko siku za nyuma.

Hivyo kwa maoni yangu hapa ndipo pa kuanzia, hasa kwa upande wa Zanzibar, ambapo siku zote patakuwapo hofu kwa baadhi ya watu wa Zanzibar kumezwa tokana na udogo wake.

Pendekezo langu rasmi ni kwamba iwepo kura ya maoni ya siri mara moja, hasa Zanzibar, kwa wananchi wote kuulizwa kujibu, kwa siri na bila ya woga wowote, maswali mawili:

(i)           Unautaka muungano au la?

Jibu: Nautaka; Siutaki.

(ii)          Kama unautaka, unapendelea muundo gani wa muungano:

Jibu: Serikali moja; Serikali mbili au Serikali tatu.

                   Hatuna haja ya kuogopa matokeo ya kura hii. Kama Wazanzibari walio wengi watasema hawautaki muungano basi Watanganyika wasiwatishe wala kuwashurutisha.
Nchi hizi mbili zitengane kwa amani na zitafute njia mbadala za kuishi pamoja na kufanya mahusiano ya aina nyingine ya kushirikiana na kuishi kiudugu.

                   Kama wengi watasema wanapendelea muungano wa Serikali mbili sawa; zitafutwe njia za kuuboresha.

                   Endapo wengi watapendelea Serikali tatu sawa. Ipo mifano mingi tu ya miungano ya aina hii. Kitakachotakiwa kufanywa ni kubuni njia nzuri za kuendesha muungano wa Serikali tatu.

                   Mimi hili halinipi shida hata kidogo. Kwa kutumia utaalam uliopo na uzoefu wa nchi nyingi tu jawabu litapatikana.

Ingawa Watanganyika nao watastahili kutoa maoni binafsi nafikiri ulazima huo haupo.

Watanganyika walio wengi wataheshimu maoni ya Wazanzibari juu ya muungano na aina yake, kwani wao ndio wenye sababu ya woga.

Najua kwamba wapo baadhi ya Watanganyika ambao wanaiona Zanzibar kama ni mzigo na ambao hawataona shida kuachana.

Mradi tumeamua kuoga basi tusiyaonee haya  maji.

          Kama nilivyosema tuna mifano na utaalamu tele wa aina mbali mbali za miungano ya nchi na namna ya kuuendesha.

Muda wa kuendesha zoezi la kupata maoni ya wananchi upo. Na ni sasa. Nina hakika kwa upande wa Zanzibar kura ya maoni ingeweza ikafanyika ndani ya siku 90.

Hatujachelewa kwa jambo muhimu kama hili.

2.       DIRA NA ITIKADI YA NCHI

Nchi yoyote yenye kujiamini na ambayo inajali maslahi ya wananchi wake ni lazima iwe na dira, itikadi na maadili mahsusi.

Haiwezekani dira, itikadi na maadili vikawa ni vitu vya kubadilishwa kirahisi na Serikali iliyoko madarakani. Katiba itamke hivyo wazi kabisa.

Kazi ya Serikali iliyoko madarakani ni kubuni mikakati mizuri ya kuyafanikisha haya yote.

Kwa nchi kama Tanzania ambayo wananchi wake walio wengi ni wanyonge na maskini, lengo kubwa la Serikali liwe ni kuwasaidia hao walio wengi kuboresha maisha yao.

Kauli kama “maisha bora kwa kila Mtanzania” ni kauli nzito kuliko vile watu wengi wanavyoichukulia.

Kazi kubwa ya kwanza ya Watanganyika na Wazanzibar ilikuwa kujipatia uhuru ili waweze kufanya mambo yenye manufaa kwa wananchi wake. Hili lilifanyika mwaka 1961 kwa Tanganyika, na mwaka 1964 kwa Zanzibar.

Kazi kubwa ya pili ilikuwa kuwasaidia wenzetu barani Afrika, ambao walikuwa bado wanatawaliwa na wageni, nao wajipatie uhuru wao ili waweze kufanya mambo yao kwa manufaa ya wananchi wao.

Kazi hii kubwa ilifanyika kwa jitihada kubwa na kujitolea kukubwa kwa Tanzania na ilipelekea nchi nyingi zilizokuwa zinatawaliwa kujipatia uhuru wao. Kazi hii sasa imekamilika.

Kazi kubwa kuliko zote iliyobaki kwa Tanzania ni kuhakikisha kuwa wananchi wake wanafaidika na uhuru wao. Na hapa ndipo suala la dira ya maendeleo ya nchi, itikadi ya kitaifa na maadili ya Watanzania, linapofuata.

Kama nilivyosema, kwa nchi kama Tanzania jukumu lake kubwa ni kuinua na kuboresha hali ya maisha ya mtanzania.

Kwa bahati nzuri Tanzania imebahatika kuwa na raslimali tele ambazo zikitumiwa ipasavyo zitawezesha lengo hili kufanikiwa.

Jitihada za dhati za kwanza kwa upande wa Tanzania bara zilikuwa kubuni itikadi ya Azimio la Arusha lililopitishwa na chama cha TANU mwaka 1967.

Azimio la Arusha lilizungumzia mambo mengi. Lakini hasa makubwa ya msingi yalikuwa mawili: ujamaa na kujitegemea.

Mengine yaliyokuwa kwenye Azimio hilo yalikuwa ni ya mkakati, kama vile maadili na miiko ya viongozi, utaifishaji wa shughuli mbali mbali, n.k.

Itikadi ya ujamaa na kujitegemea kwa nchi kama Tanzania haina ubishi, kusema kweli. Tatizo linaweza sababishwa na lilisababishwa na tafsiri potofu mara nyingi na mikakati mibaya.

Kwa upana wake itikadi ya ujamaa ndio hasa msingi wa Mtanzania – yaani Watanzania waishi kwa amani na udugu kwa kushirikiana na kusaidiana katika shughuli za kila siku. Walionacho wawasaidie wasionacho. Serikali itoe kipaumbele kwa kuinua hali ya wanyonge. Lakini pia isi-wakatishe tamaa wale ambao kwa juhudi na maarifa yao wamefanikiwa katika maisha yao. Ujamaa tafsiri yake sahihi isiwe kujenga chuki au kuwapiga vita wale waliofanikiwa katika maisha yao, eli mradi njia zilizo wawezesha kufanikiwa hazikuwa haramu, kama vile wizi, rushwa na udanganyifu.

Ujamaa maana yake si umaskini!

Masuala ya kutaifisha mali za watu kama majumba waliyoyapata kwa njia za halali, yalipotosha tafsiri sahihi ya ujamaa.

Lengo siyo kumfanya kila mwananchi awe mnyonge au maskini, hata kidogo!

Mkakati sahihi ni kubuni njia za kumfanya aliye nacho, ama kwa njia ya kodi au kwa kujitolea, kuiwezesha serikali kuinua hali ya maisha ya mnyonge.

Nchi kama Sweden na Norway zinatumia sana njia ya kumfanya aliye nacho atoe mchango katika kuboresha hali ya maisha ya wanyonge.

Kwa mfano, nchi ya Norway inatumia raslimali yake kubwa ya mafuta kwa kusambaza manufaa yake kwa nchi na wananchi wake kwa ujumla, kama vile kuzitoza kampuni kubwa za mafuta n.k. kodi kubwa ya kutosha ambayo inaipa serikali uwezo wa kuboresha maisha ya wananchi wake, kama vile kutoa elimu kwa kila mtu bure, kutoa huduma za afya kwa kila mtu bure, na kulipa malipo ya uzeeni kwa wazee waliostaafu.

Utoaji huduma hizi bure hauwezekani bila ya mchango mkubwa wa walionacho.

Mikakati iliyotumiwa na Serikali ya Tanzania imeleta matokeo yasiyotarajiwa, kama vile kufanya huduma za afya ziwe mbaya na zisizopatikana kirahisi kwa mnyonge, tokana na sera yake ya “kuchangia”. Hali kadhalika mikakati hii imeshusha kiwango cha elimu kwa mwananchi wa kawaida! Kiasi kwamba matukio ya uvujaji wa mitihani limekuwa ni jambo la kawaida.

Kwa hiyo siyo sera au itikadi ya ujamaa iliyosababisha hali hii, bali mikakati mibaya.

Itikadi ya kujitegemea hali kadhalika haina ubaya wowote. Ni mikakati mibaya ya utekelezaji wake inayofanya sera isifanikiwe. Kwa mfano, kama siyo mikakati mibaya inakuwaje Tanzania iliyokuwa na kiwanda cha nyama Tanganyika Packers Limited kufa kwenye nchi yenye ng’ombe zaidi ya milioni ishirini (20,000,000). Kama si mikakati mibaya inawezekanaje kiwanda cha nyama, kikajengwa Shinyanga, zaidi ya miaka 20 iliyopita kwenye eneo lenye ng’ombe takribani milioni tano, (5,000,000), kikashindwa kufanya kazi hata siku moja kwa hadi leo!

Inawezekanaje kwa nchi ambayo hapo awali ilikuwa nambari moja kwa kilimo cha mkonge ikizalisha zaidi ya tani 200,000 kila mwaka, kikaporomoka na kufikia tani elfu thelathini (30,000) kwa mwaka!

Inawezekanaje nchi iliyokuwa inazalisha marobota takribani lakhi tano mpaka sita (500,000 – 600,000) ya pamba kila mwaka, ikaruhusu viwanda vya kutengeneza nguo na vya kusindika mafuta ya kupikia kufa au kufifia na kusababisha uingizaji wa nguo na mafuta ya kupikia toka nje, badala ya kufikia kiwango cha kuuza nje nguo au nyama kama ilivyowahi kuwa wakati fulani.

Inawezekanaje kwa nchi ambayo ilikuwa inazalisha tani 160,000 za korosho ikaruhusu uzalishaji ukashuka hadi kufikia chini ya tani 90,000!

Utendaji huu unaendana kweli na sera ya kujitegemea? Hata kidogo! Jibu ni utendaji mbaya na mikakati mibovu.

Nchi yetu ni lazima irejee tena kwenye itikadi na sera hizi za ujamaa na kujitegemea.

Lakini maana ya itikadi na sera visipotoshwe. Hali kadhalika itikadi na sera visitekelezwe kibabaishaji.

Tanzania sasa hivi inakabiliwa na tatizo kubwa sana ambalo linagusa karibu kila sekta na maisha kwa ujumla, nalo ni tatizo la ubabaishaji, ubadhirifu na  “longa longa” nyingi!

Baadhi ya mambo ambayo shurti yatiwe kwenye Katiba kusititiza kuwa sera ya Tanzania ni kumsaidia mnyonge na kuboresha hali ya maisha ya Mtanzania ni kutaja baadhi ya mambo ambayo Serikali itatakiwa iyatimize kwa wananchi wake bila kubabaika.

Angalao mambo mawili ni lazima yaingizwe kwenye Katiba na yatajwe kuwa ni wajibu wa Serikali yoyote kuyatekeleza.

Elimu:

Elimu ndiyo ufungo wa maendeleo. Mataifa yote yaliyoendelea yameendelea kwa kutia uzito katika elimu.

Hapa nchini Tanzania kiwango cha ubora wa elimu hakiridhishi, na kusema kweli, kimekuwa kikishuka ubora wake.

Elimu ya msingi inatolewa hadi darasa la saba tu.

Elimu ya msingi, yaani mpaka darasa la saba, haitoshi. Karibu kila siku tunaambiwa kuwa wengi wa wanafunzi walioishia darasa la saba hawajui kusoma wala kuandika au, kwa maneo mengine, elimu waliyopata inakuwa haina msaada wowote.

Kwa hiyo napendekeza kuwa elimu ya msingi ifikie hadi kidato cha nne. Elimu hii itolewe bure na iwe ya lazima (free and compulsory) kwa mtoto wa Tanzania. Hili linawezekana tukijiwekea lengo hilo na kulifanyia kazi kwa dhati. Kenya wanafanya hivyo. Kwa nini sisi tushindwe? Kama mzigo utakuwa mkubwa sana basi kwa kuanzia hiyo huduma ya bure iwe kwa watoto wawili tu kila familia.

Mtoto anapomaliza kidato cha nne atakuwa na wastani wa miaka 18. Hivyo anaweza kujisaidia maishani mwake na kupata ajira kirahisi zaidi kuliko yule anayeishia darasa la saba.

Kwa kuanzia elimu inaweza tolewa bure kwa masomo tu. Matunzo ya mtoto, yaani chakula, mavazi na mahitaji mengine, yawe mzigo wa mzazi. Hapo nchi itakapopata uwezo zaidi basi mzigo huu nao ubebwe na Serikali.

Huduma za afya.

Huko siku za nyuma huduma za afya kwenye hospitali za Serikali zilikuwa bure. Ni katika miaka michache tu iliyopita ilipoanza sera ya kulipia huduma hizo, angalao kwa kuchangia gharama. Huduma za afya kwenye hospitali na vituo vya afya zimekuwa tatizo kubwa sasa hivi. Wanyonge wengi wanazikosa kwa kuwa hawana fedha ya kuzilipia. Wengi wanaishia kwa waganga wa jadi kwa kuogopa gharama. Miaka 50 ya uhuru kweli imetufikisha hapa!

Hii ni          aibu kwenye nchi inayomjali mnyonge.

Baada tu ya uhuru kupatikana Mwalimu Nyerere aliwataja maadui wakubwa watatu ambao alisema taifa ni lazima liwapige vita kwa nguvu zake zote, nao ni:- ujinga, maradhi na umaskini. Hivi kweli tunaweza kusema kwamba tumekuwa tukipigana na maadui hawa kwa nguvu zetu zote? Sidhani! Hakuna dhamira ya kweli kweli ya kupigana na vita hivyo, nasikitika kusema!

Wakati umefika wa kutamka wazi wazi, tena kwenye Katiba, kwamba angalao huduma hizi mbili zitapatikana bila malipo.

Anaye         taka huduma maalum au anayependa kwenda kwenye hospitali au shule ya binafsi basi ajilipie.

Utoaji wa huduma za bure kwa wananchi kwenye maeneo ya elimu na matibabu unawezakana kabisa kama Serikali itakuwa na dhamira ya dhati na itajipanga vizuri.

Katiba itamke hivyo; isiwe hiari ya Serikali iliyoko madarakani kufanya inavyotaka.

3. AINA YA DOLA NA VYOMBO VYAKE.

Iwe  muungano wa Serikali moja, Serikali mbili au Serikali tatu, vyombo fulani fulani vya dola na vya uwakilishi haviepukiki.

Kwa maoni yangu vyombo vya aina tatu kama ilivyosasa ni vya lazima:

Chombo cha uwakilishi (Legislature);

Serikali, toka juu hadi chini kabisa; na

Vyombo vya kusimamia utoaji haki au upatanishi (Judiciary).

(i)           Vyombo vya uwakilishi.

Kwa mazingira ya leo (tofauti na yale ya enzi za visiwa vya Ugiriki) haiwezekani kwa wananchi wote kukutana na kuamua kila kitu pamoja.

Njia ya uwakilishi haiepukiki.

Uwakilishi huu shurti pia uwe katika ngazi mbali mbali: kitaifa, kiwilaya , na katika ngazi ya kijiji.

Mfumo uliopo sasa hivi na ambao unafaa kabisa ni uwakilishi kwenye kijiji, kwenye wilaya na kitaifa!

Kwa maoni yangu ngazi hizi tatu zinatosha kabisa kama zitafanya kazi zake kwa ufanisi.

(a)      Kijiji:-

Uwepo uwakilishi kwenye ngazi ya kijiji. Wanakijiji wote wakutane kila mwaka na kuchagua wawakilishi wao, tuseme kati ya 15 – 20.

Wawakilishi hawa wawe wanakutana mara kwa mara na kuzungumzia mambo mbali mbali ya kijiji chao na kuyafanyia maamuzi au mapendekezo kwa vyombo vya juu. Usiwepo ubaguzi wa aina yoyote katika uchaguzi wa wajumbe hawa.

(b)      Wilaya

Uwakilishi kwenye ngazi hii uwe wa aina mbali mbali, kama vile wawakilishi toka kila kijiji, wajumbe wa kuchaguliwa kwa kura ya siri (Madiwani) toka kila kata, wajumbe wa kuchaguliwa na madiwani kwa misingi ya utaalamu na uzoefu wao, (wasiozidi watano), na wajumbe wa kuwakilisha makundi maalum kama vile walemavu, wasiozidi watano.

Chombo hiki kwenye Wilaya kiwe na jumla ya wajumbe wasiozidi hamsini (50), vinginevyo kitashindwa kufanya kazi yake vizuri.

Kwenye wilaya ndipo pawe kitovu cha maendeleo (district focus).

Kwenye mkoa hapana haja ya uwakilishi.

Kazi kubwa ya viongozi mkoani iwe ni kuratibu (coordination) na kusimamia utendaji kwenye wilaya. Wenzetu wa Kenya wameanzisha uwakilishi mkoani (counties). Mfumo wa uwakilishi kwenye ngazi ya mkoa ni kuongeza mzigo na urasimu.

(c)      Taifa

Kwenye ngazi ya taifa pawe na chombo cha uwakilishi, kama vile Bunge. Ziwepo aina tatu za Wabunge/Wawakilishi:

(i)           Wabunge wa kuchaguliwa na wananchi kwa kura ya siri,

(ii)          Wabunge wa uwiano na

(iii)        wabunge wa kuteuliwa.

Kundi la kwanza watakuwa Wabunge/Wajumbe wa kuchaguliwa tokana na majimbo ya uchaguzi. Napendekeza wilaya iwe ndiyo pia jimbo la uchaguzi.

Sasa hivi pana wilaya takribani 150. Hivyo wabunge wa majimbo wawe 150. Tokana na pendekezo langu la siku za nyuma la kuwa na aina ya wabunge wa uwiano (proportional representation), hawa nao idadi yao iwe hivyo hivyo, yaani 150.

Kwa upande wa Zanzibar wabunge au wawakilishi wa kupigiwa kura jimboni wawe 25, yaani mmoja kila wilaya na 25 wa uwiano. Jumla wawe 50.

Aina ya tatu iwe ni wabunge binafsi au wa kuteuliwa.

Wabunge binafsi watokane na majimbo ya uchaguzi – yaani wapambane na wateule wa vyama vya siasa.

Aina ya Wabunge wa uwiano wapatikane kwa kutumia njia kama inayotumiwa na Afrika Kusini, yaani kila chama cha Siasa kinachogombea kiandae orodha ya wateule wake wasiozidi idadi ya Wabunge wa kuchaguliwa. Ili kuhakikisha jinsia zote zinapata nafasi sawa orodha hiyo iwe: mwanaume, mwanamke, mwanaume, mwanamke hadi kufikia idadi isiyozidi idadi ya majimbo ya uchaguzi.

Kutokana na ushindi ambao chama kitakuwa kimepata kwenye majimbo, tuseme viti 70, basi wabunge 70 wa uwiano wapatikane kwa kufuata mtiririko wa orodha hiyo.

                   Aina ya tatu ni wagombea binafsi.

Wagombea binafsi waruhusiwe kwenye majimbo kwa masharti. Katiba mpya Kenya ya imeweka utaratibu mzuri wa Wagombea binafsi ambao tungeweza tukauiga. Mgombea binafsi wa ubunge anatakiwa kwanza aungwe mkono na wapiga kura wasiopungua 1000.

Hii ina lengo la kupunguza fujo na utitiri wa wagombea.

Aina ya nne iwe ni ya Wabunge, wasiozidi 10, ambao watateuliwa na Rais katika kutoa nafasi kwa watu ambao kwa sababu moja au nyingine hawashawishiki au hawataki kugombea lakini mchango au uwakilishi wao ni wa manufaa kwa nchi.

Aina nyingine iwe wabunge wasiozidi 5 ambao watawalikisha makundi fulani Fulani, kama vile walemavu.

Bunge liendelee kuchaguliwa kwa kipindi cha miaka mitano (5).

Mbunge yeyote wa kuchaguliwa aweze kupigiwa kura na wapiga kura wake ya kutokuwa na imani naye wakati wowote (recall). Hili liwezekane tu pale ambapo asilimia isiyopungua kumi (10) ya wapiga kura jimboni mwake wanatoa pendekezo.

Ifanyike kura ya siri ya wapiga kura wa jimbo lake. Iwapo asilimia isiyopungua hamsini (50%) wataunga mkono pendekezo hilo basi mbunge huyo atapoteza kiti chake.

Pendekezo hili lfanyike katika muda usiopungua mwaka mmoja (1) baada ya uchaguzi, na usiopungua miaka miwili (2) kabla ya uchaguzi unaofuata.

Jumla ya wabunge chini ya mapendekezo haya itakuwa takribani 365 kwa nchi nzima. Hii siyo idadi ndogo.

Nchi ya India yenye watu takribani billion moja ina wabunge mia tatu na sabini (370). Marekani yenye wananchi takribani milioni 300 lina Wabunge 435 tu, pamoja na Ma-Seneta 100.

Afrika Kusini yenye idadi ya wananchi takribani milioni hamsini na tano (55,000,000) ina wabunge mia nne (400) tu.

Bunge la Kenya chini ya Katiba mpya litakuwa na Wabunge 320, kwa nchi yenye wananchi takribani million arobaini (40,000,000), chini kidogo ya watanzania.

Kitu muhimu si wingi wa wabunge bali uwezo wao kuwawakilisha Watanzania.

Ili Wabunge hao waweze kufanya kazi yao kwa ufanisi wasaidiwe vitendea kazi vya kutosha, kama vile ofisi, wasaidizi, na waweze kukopeshwa magari kwa masharti mepesi ili wawe na usafiri mzuri, ikiwa ni pamoja na kusaidiwa kumudu gharama za gari k.v. kupewa posho ya dreva, posho ya usafiri (mileage or fuel allowance).

Wabunge wa aina ya uwiano na wa kuteuliwa walipiwe usafiri kwenda Bungeni na posho wakiwa bungeni, (sitting allowance) tu.

Posho za aina nyingine wapewe na vyama vyao.

Wabunge wachague Spika kutoka ndani au hata nje ya Wabunge.

Wabunge pia wachague manaibu Spika wawili toka ndani ya Bunge.

Kazi kubwa za Bunge ziwe:-

(a)          Kupitisha miswada ya Sheria toka Serikalini au toka kwa Wabunge.

(b)          Kupitisha bajeti.

(c)          Kujadili na kutoa azimio lolote juu ya utendaji kazi wa Serikali.

(d)          Kupitisha azimio juu ya jambo lolote au vitendo vyovyote vya Serikali au sekta ya umma.

(e)          Kuthibitisha, kwa kupitia Kamati maalum ya bunge, uteuzi wa watendaji wakuu wa Serikali k.v. Mawaziri, Mabalozi na Jaji Mkuu.

Kundi jingine ni la watu au maofisa ambao wanaweza kuhudhuria vikao vya Bunge au Kamati zake na kushiriki katika mijadala lakini bila ya kuwa na haki ya kupiga kura. Hawa watakuwa mawaziri au watumishi wengine wa ngazi za juu Serikalini!

Napendekza rasmi kuwa Mawaziri wasiwe Wabunge. Sababu zangu ni kama zifuatazo.

Kwanza, Mawaziri wakiwa wabunge wa majimbo wanapata vishawishi vya kutaka kupendelea majimbo yao ya uchaguzi. Na kama walikuwa wametoa ahadi mbali mbali kwa wapiga kura wao wakati wa kampeni watafanya chini juu ili watimize ahadi hizo ili wapate nafasi ya kuchaguliwa tena. Na hii mara nyingine inaweza kusababisha maeneo mengine kusahauliwa.

Kinyume chake wasipofanya hivyo watasakamwa kwa kutowasaidia wananchi wa jimbo lao.

Pili, watajitahidi sana waonekane jimboni mwao mara kwa mara ili wasionekane kulitelekeza jimbo lao.
Hili mara nyingi huwafanya wasitimize kikamilifu majukumu yao ya kitaifa.

Tatu, uwezekano wa kuteuliwa kuwa waziri unawafanya watu wengi wajitose kwenye uchaguzi kwa lengo la kupata uwaziri na mara nyingi wanatumia njia haramu ili waupate ubunge na baadaye uwaziri.

Watu wa namna hii walioupata ubunge kwa njia ya kutoa rushwa watatumia nafasi yao ya  uwaziri au ubunge kurudisha fedha zao.

Nne, shurti la Waziri kutokana na ubunge humpunguzia Rais uwanja wa kupata mawaziri, maana hawezi akaenda nje ya Bunge.

Kumbe kama angekuwa huru kumfanya mtu yeyote ambaye anafaa na mwenye uwezo angepata baraza la Mawaziri bora ambalo ndio wasaidizi wake wakubwa.

Tano, shurti hili la Waziri kuwa mbunge husababisha masuala ya kugawa nafasi za uwaziri kwa vigezo vya kutaka kupendeza makabila au maeneo mbali mbali.

Katiba mpya ya Kenya imeondoa ulazima wa Waziri kuwa Mbunge kwanza. Kusema kweli hata jina la Waziri limeondolewa na badala yake watakuwa wanaitwa “Makatibu”

Hapa naona wamekwenda mbali mno. Sioni ubaya wowote wa kuwaita “Waziri”, hata kama hawatokani na ubunge. Hawa watu wanatakiwa wawe na hadhi ya juu na wenye kuheshimika.

Kitu kingine kilichowekwa katika Katiba mpya ya Kenya ni kuweka idadi maalum ya mawaziri. Idadi hii ni mawaziri ishirini (20) tu. Nafikiri mantiki ya kutaja kwenye Katiba idadi maalum ni nzuri. Ila idadi hiyo kwa upande wa Tanzania labda iwe mawaziri wasiozidi ishirini na tano (25) na Manaibu wasiozidi kumi na tano (5), kwa ajili ya Wizara zile kubwa, kama Nishati na Madini, Kilimo, Miundombinu na Elimu!

MFUMO WA SERIKALI

Kuna mifumo miwili mikubwa ambayo ndiyo inayotumiwa na nchi mbali mbali. Kwanza ni kuwa na Serikali inayotokana na Bunge, yaani Mkuu wa Serikali, ama anachaguliwa na Bunge au anatokana na chama kilicho na Wabunge wengi. Mkuu huyo wa Serikali anawajibika moja kwa moja bungeni. Siku yoyote akikosa imani ya wabunge, kwa kupigiwa kura ya kutokuwa na imani naye, au chama chake kikipoteza ule wingi wa wabunge, basi shurti ajiuzulu uongozi wa Serikali na badala yake achaguliwe mtu mwingine.

Mifano mizuri ya mfumo huu ni Uingereza, India, Australia, n.k.

Mfumo huu huitwa: “Parliamentary System of Government”.

Wananchi hawahusishwi moja kwa moja na uchaguzi wa Mkuu wa Serikali.

Mfumo mwingine ambao hutumiwa na nchi nyingine ni kwa kumpata Mkuu wa Serikali moja kwa moja kutokana na wapiga kura katika uchaguzi mkuu. Mfumo huu ndio unaotumika Tanzania, Zambia, Kenya, Ufaransa na nchi kadhaa.

Mfumo huu hujulikana kama “Exective Presidential System” of Government.

Ipo mifumo mingine ambayo inatumia njia tofauti, kama vile Marekani (USA), ambapo Rais anachaguliwa tokana na wingi wa wabunge waliochaguliwa kila jimbo (State). Mfumo huu kusema kweli siyo mfumo wa kura za moja kwa moja za wapiga kura.

Njia iliyozoeleka hapa Tanzania ni ya wapiga kura kumpigia kura mgombea u-rais moja kwa moja, yaani Rais anapata madaraka yake moja kwa moja toka kwa wapiga kura. Kwa hiyo anaongoza nchi kwa ridhaa ya wapiga kura walio wengi. Njia hii pia imezoeleka.

Tokana na takwa la Katiba ya Tanzania kwamba mgombea u-rais au ubunge shurti apendekezwe na chama cha siasa basi chama kilichopata kura nyingi ndicho kinakuwa chama tawala.

Rais wa namna hii ambaye anatokana na chama chenye wabunge wengi huwa ana nguvu kubwa ya kutawala nchi, kwa kuwa anaungwa mkono na Wabunge wengi.

Akitokana na chama kisicho na wabunge wengi bungeni panaweza tokea hali tete ya kutokuwa na uhakika wa kupitisha mipango ya Serikali, na mara nyingi hali hii hulazimisha kuundwa kwa serikali ya mseto wa vyama (coalition), kama vile serikali ya sasa ya Zanzibar na Uingereza.

Kwa maoni yangu napendekeza Rais wa nchi aendelee kuchaguliwa moja kwa moja na wapiga kura. Mgombea binafsi pia aruhusiwe kugombea, kwani hii ni haki ya msingi ya kila mtanzania kuchagua au kuchaguliwa kiongozi.

Kwa nafasi ya Rais kwa ajili ya unyeti wake mgombea binafsi atakiwe kutimiza masharti magumu, kama yale yaliyomo kwenye Katiba mpya ya Kenya, ambayo inataka mgombea u-rais aungwe mkono na wapiga kura wasiopungua elfu mbili (2000) kutoka katika mikoa isiyopungua nusu ya mikoa yote.

Awepo Makamu wa Rais ambaye atachaguliwa kama mwenza, kwa kipindi kile kile cha miaka mitano kama cha Rais.

Rais na Mwenza wake ili kushinda ni lazima wapate asilimia isiyopungua 50 ya kura. Vinginevyo uchaguzi urudiwe kwa kuwapambanisha wagombea wawili waliopata kura za juu katika duru ya kwanza ya uchaguzi. Kama hakuna mshindi wa zaidi ya nusu ya kura basi uchaguzi urudiwe katika muda usiozidi siku 60.

Rais, akishauriana na Makamu wake wateue Baraza la Mawaziri ambalo halitokani na wabunge.

Wateule wa Ujaji Mkuu, u-waziri, ubalozi na ukuu wa mkoa uidhinishwe na Bunge au Kamati maalum ya Bunge.

Rais aweze kutamka Waziri mmoja wapo kuwa kiongozi au msemaji mkuu wa shughuli za Serikali bungeni, bila ya kuwa Mbunge.

Tume ya Uchanguzi

Iwepo Tume ya Uchaguzi yenye wajumbe wasiozidi 15, ambao watapendekezwa na vyama vya siasa na asasi mbali mbali na ambao  wataidhinishwa na Kamati maalum ya Bunge (Judiciary and Other Appointments Committee) kwa kipindi cha miaka 10.

Hawa wasiweze kufukuzwa kazi ila tu kwa kutenda uhalifu au kupatikana na hatia ya ubadhirifu.

Mahakama

Mahakama zibaki kama zilivyo sasa, yaani Mahakama ya Rufaa, Mahakama Kuu, Mahakama ya Hakimu, Mahakama za Mwanzo na Mahakama kuhusu masuala mbali mbali k.v. Ardhi, Leba na Watoto n.k.

Mahakama ya Kadhi

Pamekuwapo mjadala wa siku nyingi juu ya Mahakama ya Kadhi.

Mahakama za namna hii zilikuwapo wakati wa ukoloni.

Ziliondolewa mwaka 1964 chini ya sheria ya “Integration of Courts Act”.

Zilikuwapo pia mahakama za machifu ambazo nazo ziliondolewa chini ya Sheria hiyo.

Wenzetu Kenya wameihifadhi Mahakama ya Kadhi kwenye Katiba yao mpya, lakini kwa masuala machache sana, tena pale tu ambapo wahusika wote ni Waislam.

Mimi binafsi sina tatizo na hili, mradi watakaoshitakiana huko watakubaliana kupeleka mashauri yao kwa Mahakama ya Kadhi.

Mfano wa Kenya siyo mbaya hata kidogo, mradi tu usitupelekee kwenye kila dini au jumuiya kudai mahakama yake.

Sababu kubwa ya kutoona ubaya wake: kwanza ziliwahi kuwapo, pili wanaokwenda huko kwenye mahakama hizi wanakwenda kwa hiari yao.

Angalizo:-

Haya yote niliyoyasema yanaendana na msingi wa muungano wa aina ya Serikali mbili.

Ikiamuliwa kuwa na aina nyingine ya muungano, kama vile Serikali moja, jambo ambalo sioni uwezekano wake, mambo mengi au karibu yote itabidi yaangaliwe upya. Au endapo tutafikia uamuzi wa kuwa na muungano wa Serikali tatu au kwa lugha nyingine Shirikisho, kitu ambacho naona kina uwezekano mkubwa, mambo mengi yatabidi yaangaliwe upya.

Kwa mfano, ikiamuliwa tuwe na Serikali tatu basi kazi na wajibu wa Serikali zote tatu itabidi viangaliwe upya. Itabidi yawepo Mabunge  matatu, la tatu likiwa ni Bunge la Muungano. Kazi za bunge la Muungano itabidi ziainishwe.

Aidha, itapelekea kuanzisha mahakama nyingine ambayo itakuwa na jukumu maalum la kutatua migogoro kati ya serikali na serikali, aina ya “constitutional court” maalum.

Bunge maalum la Muungano halina haja ya kuwa na Wabunge wengi, linaweza likawa na Wabunge wachache kutokana na kazi zake kuwa chache, na pia  kuokoa gharama. Shughuli zake zitakuwa chache, kwa kuwa shughuli nyingi zitafanywa na Mabunge ya nchi wanachama.

Kwa mfano, bunge la Muungano au Shirikisho linaweza kuwa na Wabunge takriban mia moja (100): sitini (60) kati ya hawa watoke Tanganyika au Tanzania Bara na arobaini (40) watoke Zanzibar, ili kuhakisha maamuzi mazito yanakubalika pande zote.

Njia nyepesi ya kuwapata wabunge hawa inaweza kuwa kwa Mabunge yale mawili ya nchi mbili ndiyo yawe yanawachagua hawa wabunge wa Bunge la Muungano au Shirikisho.

Kazi na shughuli za Bunge la Muungano/Shirikisho zinaweza kuwa ni pamoja na kuthibitisha uteuzi wa mabalozi, kupitisha au kuthibitisha Sheria zilizopitishwa na mabunge ya nchi wanachama zinazohusu shughuli za muungano, na kupitisha azimio lolote juu ya jambo lolote la Muungano/Shirikisho.

Sifa za Wabunge wa Bunge la Muungano/Shirikisho ziwe karibu sawa na zile za Wabunge wa Mabunge ya nchi wanachama isipokuwa labda umri wa mbunge wa Muungano/Shirikisho uwe si chini ya miaka 35.

Haya ni baadhi tu ya mambo yanahitaji kushughulikiwa kwenye Katiba mpya.

Yako mambo chungu nzima ambayo sikuyazungumzia, baadhi yake yakiwa ni mambo ya kuingizwa kwenye Sheria za kawaida.